Immigrant Family, Friend, and Neighbor Caregivers

These caregivers, most often grandmothers, are deeply valued by parents, some of whom consider this type of care to be ideal (Powell et al., 2023b). For immigrant families in particular, care with a relative is a common choice, but the contributions of immigrant FFN caregivers are frequently overlooked in policy discourse (Home Grown & ParentChild+, 2021; Park & Peña, 2021). Yet they are an important element of the mixed delivery system, as families rely on them along with other forms of care. Shedding light on who family, friend, and neighbor (FFN) caregivers are and how they support their communities is essential for California, which boasts the largest share of immigrants of any state (Ward & Batalova, 2023).

In 2022, the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment (CSCCE) launched the California Family, Friend, Neighbor, and Nanny Child Care Study. The study included two surveys of parents with children under age six and a combination of surveys and focus groups with FFN and nanny caregivers, including many individuals born outside the United States. CSCCE partnered with the RAPID Survey Project at the Stanford Center on Early Childhood to implement the survey components.

In this brief, we highlight the experiences of immigrant families and caregivers, building on findings from previous reports and drawing from our survey of approximately 1,300 parents with children under age six (Powell et al., 2023a). We recruited survey participants with the assistance of child care networks such as local resource and referral agencies. Many of these networks serve parents with lower incomes, who are consequently overrepresented in our sample; as such, these findings may not be representative of the broader population. Additionally, we report data from our survey of 375 FFN and nanny caregivers, some of whom we contacted via parental referral and others through child care networks (Powell et al., 2023b). A smaller group of caregivers (n=39) also participated in focus groups.

Findings

Immigrant grandmothers are central to the FFN care system, offering culturally enriched, multilingual, and intergenerational care, with a strong sense of identity and personal commitment.

Parents who identify as immigrants relied somewhat more often on FFN caregivers than parents who noted being born in the United States: 53 percent of immigrant parents used FFN care for their children under age three and 50 percent for children age three to five, compared to 37 percent and 42 percent of U.S.-born parents, respectively (Powell et al., 2023b). In our FFN caregiver survey, almost 80 percent of respondents born outside the United States were related to some or all of the children in their care (Powell et al., 2023a). Figure 1 shows these relationships.

The significant presence of grandparents—most often grandmothers—in our data underscores the importance of intergenerational caregiving, a concept deeply rooted in many cultures. As one grandmother from San Bernardino County wrote, "It gives me the opportunity to build a relationship with my grandchildren [...] and hope that I've helped make my child’s marriage and family life stronger."

Seventy percent of immigrant caregivers identified as Latina, and 80 percent spoke a language other than or in addition to English, with Chinese and Spanish being the top languages spoken (30 percent and 25 percent, respectively). 

As we detail in our report, FFN caregivers—grandmothers in particular—are confident in their talents and their value (Powell et al., 2023b). As Figure 2 indicates, immigrant caregivers generally report higher levels of self-awareness and clarity in their caregiving roles than their U.S.-born caregivers. For example, 88 percent of immigrant caregivers can clearly identify their passions in caregiving, compared to 62 percent of U.S.-born caregivers.

Immigrant caregivers in California tend to care for more children than their U.S.-born counterparts, and nearly one third reported more than a decade of caregiving for children besides their own.

Approximately 45 percent of immigrant caregivers in our sample cared for three children or more, compared to 36 percent of U.S.-born caregivers. As shown in Figure 3, immigrant caregivers were more likely to care for younger children, with one half of them tending to infants and toddlers (birth to age two). They were also more likely to provide care for school-age children (6 to 17 years old), doing so at nearly twice the rate of U.S.-born caregivers. 

While some immigrant caregivers may see themselves as temporary support, our study participants demonstrated a strong sense of dedication and connection to their roles (Park & Peña, 2021). For example, 30 percent of immigrant FFN caregivers have been caring for children besides their own for more than a decade. 

“I started this job a long time ago, and I saw the need that parents had. I even have children who are adults now, and they bring their children to me. It makes me very proud to know that I have done a good job.”

– Immigrant Caregiver, Grandmother, Los Angeles County

About 27 percent of immigrant caregivers plan to continue providing care for the same group of children in three years, compared to 19 percent of U.S.-born caregivers. Their commitment provides a stable caregiving environment for children.

“In my home country, it was natural for neighbors to care for each other's kids. When I moved here, I found many families were in a similar situation to mine, unable to afford formal child care. So, we started sharing caregiving responsibilities among neighbors, much like back home.”

– Immigrant Caregiver, Unpaid Neighbor, Santa Clara County

Immigrant FFN caregivers adapt to varied care hours and are often ready to provide last-minute support.

Figure 4 shows that immigrant caregivers were more likely than U.S.-born caregivers to provide fewer than 15 hours of care each week (28 percent) but were also more likely to work 45 or more hours weekly (22 percent). 

Immigrant caregivers exhibited more flexibility in adjusting their schedules to accommodate the needs of the child or parent. For example, immigrant FFN caregivers were more likely to provide last-minute care, with a higher percentage willing to care for children on short notice. As Figure 5 indicates, approximately 36 percent of immigrant caregivers tailor their schedules based on the child’s needs, compared to 22 percent of U.S.-born caregivers. Moreover, only about 10 percent of immigrant caregivers prioritize their own schedule, one half the rate of U.S.-born caregivers. Despite these differences, a common thread runs through both groups: a preference for stability. Around 56 percent of both groups tend not to vary their schedules significantly, demonstrating a shared inclination for a consistent routine.

This adaptability of immigrant caregivers extends to their readiness to provide last-minute care. Our data show that 56 percent of immigrant caregivers were willing to provide unplanned care a few times a month or more, compared to 45 percent of U.S.-born caregivers.

Immigrant FFN caregivers in California are far more likely to work for free than U.S.-born caregivers, and when they are compensated, immigrant caregivers earn significantly less.

While our survey data come from a small sample of FFN caregivers in California, we found noticeable differences in compensation between immigrant and U.S.-born caregivers. A significant portion of immigrant caregivers remain unpaid for their work: 43 percent, more than twice their U.S.-born counterparts (18 percent). Similarly, several immigrant caregivers who participated in focus groups described offering care without expecting payment. As an unpaid immigrant caregiver from Santa Clara County pointed out, “At first, she asked me how much she had to pay me, and I would say no, it was fine. I just wanted to help her.”

Furthermore, regarding hourly wages, immigrant caregivers in our sample earned notably less. When they were paid, they earned a median wage of $12.77 per hour—about $3 less than their U.S.-born counterparts, who earned an average of $16.22 per hour.

The financial burden extends beyond wages to caregiving expenses for the majority of FFN caregivers of all backgrounds. Figure 6 shows how immigrant caregivers often bear a higher cost of caregiving essentials. For instance, immigrant FFN caregivers are more likely to cover costs for supplies (56 percent) and transportation (64 percent), while only 47 percent of U.S.-born caregivers reported paying for supplies and 49 percent pay for transportation.

“Yes, in my case, with my relatives [...] she brings me fruit or things the children eat.… She would bring me lettuce, and she would bring many vegetables…. She did give me money weekly for gas […] to take the children to school. She always brought me that as a gift because she was grateful that I was doing that for her son. But I didn't get any amount of money. It’s just like gifts.”

– Immigrant Caregiver, Unpaid Aunt, Santa Clara County

Immigrant caregivers in California are particularly engaged with community resources and show a higher interest in training.

Immigrant caregivers in our study show commitment to enriching their caregiving with community resources through their daily activities. Figure 7 shows that 63 percent of immigrant caregivers incorporate visits to public parks and nature trails into their weekly routines, compared to 47 percent of U.S.-born caregivers. Yet, immigrant caregivers also frequently reported never taking children to a museum or resource center (54 percent each). Additionally, 26 percent of immigrant FFN caregivers take children to the library at least once a week, a practice three times more common than among U.S.-born caregivers.

Despite their active use of community resources, 37 percent of immigrant FFN caregivers reported that they never meet with other caregivers, in contrast to the 25 percent of U.S.-born caregivers who experience similar isolation.

Nearly 37 percent of immigrant FFN caregivers reported that they never meet with other caregivers.

Immigrant caregivers demonstrate a robust desire for learning, with 69 percent showing interest in child development training, compared to 48 percent of U.S.-born caregivers (Figure 8). Similarly, early learning activities are a priority for 63 percent of immigrant caregivers, compared to 51 percent of U.S.-born caregivers. Across all topics for caregiver learning in Figure 8, immigrant respondents reported a stronger level of interest.

Policy Recommendations

California cannot afford to continue overlooking the role of FFN caregivers in immigrant families (Park & Peña, 2021). Given the valuable contributions and unique needs of immigrant FFN caregivers (Nevins et al., 2023), it’s crucial for California decision makers to thoughtfully consider these caregivers in planning and policymaking that affect programs supporting FFN caregivers. Our findings remind us that grandmothers and other caregivers are not just temporary supports, but essential pillars of long-term, quality care, especially for California’s immigrant communities.

Policymakers should consider targeted investments in support of these caregivers, who are pivotal in providing stable, culturally aligned caregiving environments for children. Growing California’s overall investments in family, friend, and neighbor care is the vital first step, with an intention of centering immigrant families as a priority population. As one FFN caregiver suggested during a focus group:

“There should be a lot more resources out there [...] where [caregivers] can go with confidence without any […] status issues…. It’s really supporting people like us who have been willing to do something in the field of child care but were held back by certain barriers. Just a little push, a nudge from someone, a little support from the community, can help us lead in the future.”

– Immigrant Caregiver, Unpaid Neighbor, Santa Clara County

Additionally, intergenerational caregiving should be integrated into policy considerations. To address this need, lawmakers should explore pathways to support caregivers directly, rather than exclusively via subsidy systems that hinge on parental eligibility. Within the subsidy system, prioritizing inclusion and compensation for FFN caregivers is essential. 

Finally, California must nurture successful models for supporting immigrant caregivers across the state. Many resource and referral agencies are investing in multilingual outreach initiatives to connect caregivers with free or discounted supplies, food pantries, and other community-based support systems. Moreover, as immigrant caregivers frequently engage with community spaces like libraries and parks, these venues are ideal for culturally relevant skill-building and connection. Crucially, while some of these programs facilitate on-ramps into licensure, they do not require it. California should prioritize identifying and learning from these shining local examples and support the entire state in emulating their efforts.